Giorgo Freda
Bruno Cariou
Giorgo Freda drew attention to him in 1963, when he published a brochure which unleashed a barrage of hysterical criticism in the Italian Jewish community and in the Italian communist party. In the same year, he wrote to Evola; the reply from Evola can be found on the site of the publishing house he set up the year after ( www.libreriaar.it/juliusevola.htm#Lettera ). In this letter, Evola warned him against a mistake which had already been made by most of the evolians who entered the political Italian mess in the 1960's ; this mistake, he made it too: he fell into the Semitic trap of the false opposition between Zionism and anti-Zionism. It's always the same old story.
Two permanent features can be seen in his militant commitment : the struggle against Zionism and the fight against the bourgeois liberal system, which he considered as the manifestation of American imperialism in Europe since the end of WW2. In 1969, it was him who organised in Padova, together with the Maoist group 'Potere Operaio', the first major support meeting for the Palestinians in Italy, in the presence of representatives of the Fatah. In the true Semitic- Jacobinist tradition of terrorism, he went so far as to provide one of them with timing devices. It thus appears that, before thinking that the "System" was going to implode, he was of the opinion that it should explode.
"La disintegrazione del Sistema" was published in 1969, in the middle of the so-called student movement, which, however, was less 'revolutionary' in Italy than it was in France, where, that time, not having at his disposal Yankee Jewish-financed divisions to allow him to crow his victory on the Champs-Elysées and next to the Folies-Bergères, the weak bourgeois general who was then in charge preferred, once again, to run away instead of confronting reality and unleashing tanks, allowing thus the so-called 'anti-establishment youth', led by the idle kids of the 'establishment', instrumentalised in their turn by groups which can be called 'communist' in the broadest sense, to lay down the law. Since then, to quote Carlyle who appreciated very much this French word, this "racaille" has come into office in most Western European countries : aren't most Western countries currently managed by cocaine addicts and their so-called administration filled with respectable slaves ( in the Aristotelian sense) who have never recovered from the pills they took in the late 1960's in music festivals? Very few people have realised what the 'May 1968' movement really meant for Europe : all dikes - the very last ones, the few remaining ones – finally broke, the "racaille" - Evola calls it "human dust" in 'Sintesi di dottrina della razza' - could then infiltrate the state apparatus of the various nations. It is not by chance that, for example, the first pro- immigration laws and many laws favouring the so-called 'emancipation' of women were enacted at the beginning of the 1970's. This 'anti- establishment youth' had come into office and had taken over most administrations, the media and education ; it could then adopt a middle-class outlook.
"Revolution can be fun".
Speaking of respectable cocaine addicts and of neo-Maoists, a E.U. deputy lately quoted with admiration Mao-Tse-Dong in front of the camera right in the middle of the so-called 'European Parliament'. He did not quote Stalin, he did not quote Guevara, he did not quote Lenine : he dared to quote Mao-Tse-Dong, an individual whose premature death, let it me said in passing for those exotic evolians who may have Maoist sympathies, wouldn't have bothered Evola, as clearly shown by an article which published at evolaasheis.wordpress.com/2016/04/14/les-centres-initiatiques-et-lhistoire/, namely 'Initiatory centres' (still incidentally, rather than the solution considered by Evola to put a premature end to the life of this Chinese leader, the burning of his collection of pornographic video-tapes, one of the largest in the world with that of the Hollywood actor who's been hired a few years ago to play a major diplomatic role at the head of North Korea, would have sufficed to cause him a heart attack, as Chinese troops were crossing the Tibetan border). Needless to say that, in the kosher matriarchal Europe they have been preparing lovingly, only a Jew can go so far as to quote publicly Mao-Tse-Dong with a large smile, saying aloud what the vast majority of his goyim colleagues feel deep inside but are not allowed to say. One of his earlier statement, from 1968, when he was at the head of the student movement, turns out to be commented adequately by Evola in an article called 'Psycho-analysis of protest' (1) : "(he) has declared that what he fights for is the advent of a "new man" ; but he has forgotten to say what this "new man" is ; if ever he was to be modelled on the vast majority of the current anti-establishment people in their individuality, in their behaviour and in their elective choices, all there is to say is : thanks, but no thanks."
Now, as even acknowledged by his French thurifers, it is at this so- called 'anti-establishment youth' that Freda's 'message' was aimed. For the readers to realise to what extent Freda was influenced by Evola, let's quote on the latter, who, with a touch of humour, summed up the sinister joke which consists in considering this anti- establishment movement as something positive : "Owing to the lack of true counterpart and the predominance of an irrational background, we can say, without wishing to be spiteful, that this anti-authority movement would deserve an existential and psycho-analytic study more than a cultural study."
In "Considerations on the student movement' (2), Evola stressed and lamented the fact that this so-called anti-authority movement was instrumentalised by left-wing, not to say far-left, elements ; now, it is precisely to those elements that Freda turned at that time, that is, the extra-parliamentarian far-left, Maoist groups, the Marxist-Leninist Italian party, to which he offered to fight together the so-called "System". Moral order, conformism, pro-Zionism and Philo-Americanism, anti-communism, Freda came down strongly against the bourgeois values of our times, as well as against those he considered as their bearers, priests, magistrates and bankers. Evola could have asked him : in the name of what? Economically, Freda favoured a communist organisation, which, according to his supporters, owes less to Marx's than to Plato's - they forgot to tell us whether it was to the 'Republic''s or to 'The Laws'', in which this communist organisation is renounced. Politically, he advocated a 'Popular State'.
He's called a "man of action". He's called so, however, by people whose writings and behaviour show clearly that they mistake action for agitation. In 1970, in a preface he wrote to a text by Evola, he considered favourably the possibility of a urban guerilla in Italy. Anyone slightly familiar with 'Riding the Tiger' sees that this stand is in stark contrast with the attitude professed by Evola in this work, which, despite its higher realism, doesn't seem to manage to dissolve the residues of neo-romanticism which are still hidden in most contemporary opponents of the so-called "System". Whether they like it or not, the survival of Europe does not depend on the existence or not of an Israeli state ; it's all very well for Westerners to denounce the existence of the Israeli state, an issue which has become an obsession in the pathological sense in most European extremist circles, to the point of making them forget about the very existence of Europe and the catastrophe it is facing (in some cases, this involvement, after twenty or thirty years of 'struggle' and a few months in prison, can pay off). Wouldn't be however more courageous to draw people's attention to the fact that Western countries are currently managed de facto by the Jew and that, therefore, their policies are dictated by the Jew? A solution to the never-ending Israeli/Palestinian conflict, which is a mere lure set up by the Jew, would not mean by any way the liberation of Europe from the "cultural parasite" which has been feeding on it, something which should be the only goal of any true European in the political field, whereas this liberation would lead to the solution of this problem, which, anyway, should be considered as secondary, consequential from a truly European standpoint, as well as to many other false problems. We do not hesitate to affirm that any European who fights for any extra-European cause, whatever cause it is, before fighting for the European cause chooses the easy way out : this is merely escapism. Once again, there are texts which show that Evola was neither Zionist or anti-Zionist : Evola was European, as few have been and as even fewer still are.
Freda, however, did the latter a big service in republishing, a few years after Evola's death, his racist works.
(1) 'Psicanalisi della "contestazione"', Il Conciliatore, 1970. (2) 'Considerazioni sul movimento studentesco', Il Conciliatore, 1968.